History cannot grant extenuating circumstances to the bloodthirsty dictator while acknowledging the indisputable merit of the conquest of Patagonia. An attempt was made to rehabilitate it; for example by Saldias, and more recently by García Calderón, who likes to consider him the true founder of federal unity, the true pure American who rose to power, the final harmonizer of Argentine forces. But the writer himself admits that he did not obey any political concept and operated only in view of his immoderate ambition; so that, while accepting the questionable fact that he gave the impetus to federal unity, it cannot be accepted that this was his program and will.
According to healthvv.com, the victory of Monte Caseros did not immediately bring about – as would have been too naive to expect – the pacification of souls. Strong suspicions began to rise against the winner Urquiza, due to his Rosist past. While he was preparing the Constituent Assembly in Santa Fe, in agreement with the governors of all the provinces he had summoned to San Nicolás de los Arroyos, Buenos Aires rose up against the authorities appointed by Urquiza and an autonomous government was organized. So when, on May 1, 1853, the Santafesina Constitution sanctioned the Constitution (the one currently in force), thirteen provinces remained unified under the new regime, but there was no Buenos Aires, which in 1854 was constituted in full sovereignty. It remained segregated until 1859, when Urquiza, who had become the president of the Confederation, based in Paraná, he moved to war and won it in the battle of Cepeda (23 October). But the victor did not abuse the victory and, with the San José de Flores pact, persuaded the city to join the Confederation. Following the Derqui in Urquiza, new infighting continued until almost the whole of ’61, when, after the battle of Pavón (September 17), Buenos Aires had the definitive triumph. The winner of Pavón, general Miter, assumed the provisional government: Buenos Aires became the capital of the republic; the constitution of ’53, except for some slight modifications, was respected. Modeled on that of the confederation of North America, it establishes a federal government composed of three powers: legislative (congress composed of two chambers: that of deputies, elected directly by the people of the provinces, and that of the senators, made up of two members for each province, elected by the respective legislatures, and two for the federal capital); executive (“President of the Argentine nation” and eight secretary ministers); judicial (Supreme Court and lower courts of the nation); gives each province its own constitution as regards the administration of justice, the municipal regime and primary education, but reserves the right to intervene for the federal government, as well as in the case of foreign invasion, to support the authorities established in case of sedition or invasion of another province; recognizes and protects the Roman Catholic apostolic cult; abolishes slavery and personal privileges and noble titles; grants freedom of navigation to all flags on national rivers; attributes to the federal government the care of encouraging European emigration; prohibits congress from dictating laws restricting freedom of the press, etc. Finally, bearing in mind that the unfortunate Rosist dictatorship was born from the deliberations of legislatures that arrogated to themselves, not having it, true popular representation, art. 29 establishes that: “The congress may not grant the executive power, nor the provincial legislatures to the governors of the provinces, extraordinary faculties or the sum of public powers; nor grant it honors or prerogatives for which the honor, life or fate of Argentines remain at the mercy of governments or individuals “. extraordinary faculties or the sum of public authorities; nor grant it honors or prerogatives for which the honor, life or fortunes of Argentines remain at the mercy of governments or individuals “. extraordinary faculties or the sum of public authorities; nor grant it honors or prerogatives for which the honor, life or fortunes of Argentines remain at the mercy of governments or individuals “.
In 1862, the Miter was elected president of the republic: distinguished patriot, valiant military man, vigorous polemicist, man of study, writer of stories, friend of Garibaldi in Montevideo, in favor of the Italian element (he translated, among other things, the Divine Comedy). Under his presidency, the war against Paraguay began (v.). He was succeeded, in 1868, by Domenico Faustino Sarmiento, a powerful intellect, but an authoritarian and curmudgeoning character, until then plenipotentiary minister in Washington. It was his turn to conclude the Paraguayan war which, although victorious, did not bring Argentina any advantage, but a legacy of issues with Brazil, its ally. He had to intervene in Entre Ríos, where a gang of mobsters had assassinated General Urquiza and proclaimed López Jordán governor. The federal government did not recognize the fait accompli, and sent its troops to Entre Ríos, who defeated the usurper. Sarmiento’s eventful presidency ended with the serious electoral agitation in Buenos Aires between the nationalist party, represented by the Miter, and the autonomist one, represented by Adolfo Alsina. The new president Nicola Avellaneda (1874) was able to govern with relative tranquility, which allowed the development of agriculture and industry, the construction of railways, the increase of European emigration. Avellaneda was succeeded by the valiant general Julio Roca (1880), who was responsible for the expedition against the South Indians. Under his presidency, Buenos Aires remained only the federal capital, while the foundation of a new city, La Plata, was decreed as the residence of the provincial government of Buenos Aires. An old question of borders with Chile was also settled with a provisional treaty of 23 July 1881. Under President Juárez Celman (1886) one had to deplore onefinancial curée, which the Unión Cívica, in 1890, he attempted a revolution against the men of the government. The revolt was put down; but Juárez Celman resigned, being replaced by vice-president Carlo Pellegrini. The subsequent president Sáenz-Peña was also forced to resign, due to a denied amnesty, giving way to vice-president Uriburu, under whom (1896) a new treaty was signed for the Chilean borders. In 1898 there was a new Roca presidency, signaled not only by the usual border issues, but also by a great development of public works (ports of Bahía Blanca, Rosario and Santa Fe, new railway lines, etc.). In 1904, Manuel Quintana rose to the presidency, who died in 1906, and was succeeded by vice-president Figueroa Alcorta. Subsequently they were presidents of Argentina Roque Sáenz-Peña (1910), replaced, on his death (1914), by the vice-president Vittorino de la Plaza; then Ippolito Irigoyen (1916); Marcello de Alvear (1922) and, again, Ippolito Irigoyen (1928), currently in office. In the last decades, the Argentine Republic, at peace with its neighbors, which remained strictly neutral during the European war, has seen its sources of wealth grow extraordinarily, so that its more recent history, rather than from this, must be inferred from the chapter that deals with its economic geography.